Thinking Points Discussion of Chapter 3 – Part 1: Frames
Expanding our discussion of Thinking Points to include Chapter 3, we explore frames and brains to see how cognitive science informs our understanding of politics. This chapter is filled with so much information that we will consider it in three parts. This installment considers what framing is and identifies several important kinds of frames relevant to politics
At the Rockridge Institute we offer something new and (hopefully!) refreshing to political discussions. Our contribution comes from an extensive body of empirical research in the cognitive sciences that helps us explain a number of confusing and seemingly paradoxical features of political discourse.
Central to our political work is the nature of framing in shaping our thoughts and motivating our moral sensibilities. But what is a frame? And how does it relate to politics? Are there different kinds of frames I should be aware of? These questions are critically important, as many of you already know. The answers are long and complex, so I will not attempt to be comprehensive…opting instead for an introduction that should help clarify what it is that we do at Rockridge (and why you should care about it).
Chapter 3 of Thinking Points covers a number of different topics that represent the intellectual background for applying the findings of cognitive science to politics. We focus primarily on framing - the cognitive sciences offer us a considerably broader array of useful insights into the human mind than framing alone - because George Lakoff has connected linguistic analysis to morality in powerful ways that are directly relevant to politics. We will consider this connection between morality and politics in greater depth when we get to Chapter 4.
What is a frame?
Understanding frames is essential to progressive politics. A frame is the structure a concept carries with it to provide content
to the concept. I will try to put it into concrete terms with an
example:
What is the concept for "cup"?
When you here the word "cup", you will automatically know certain things about what a cup is:
- It is a container that typically holds liquids
- It is graspable, meaning it comes in a size and shape compatible with grasping it with a typical human hand
- Certain body movements are associated with it, including: reaching, grasping, lifting toward your mouth, drinking from it, and so on.
- It has a logic to it that includes the following rules:
- It must contain liquid in order to drink from it
- If you drink all of the liquid, it will be empty
- You cannot drink from it if it is not located near to or in contact with your mouth
All of this information arises automatically when you hear the word
"cup" because the concept associated with this word has all of these
features in many experiences you have pertaining to cups. This hidden
structure that gives meaning to the word "cup" is a frame.
One of the powerful findings of cognitive science is that our thoughts are embodied. This means our thoughts are shaped by the physical structure and processes in our brains. The word embodied, when talking about the human mind, tells us that our minds are the way they are because the are embedded within our bodies. One consequence of having embodied minds is that the concepts we use to make sense of the world are shaped by our bodily experiences, as you can see when we talk about the concept for "cup." The word's meaning is inseparable from the experience of using a cup with bodies like the ones we have. (For those of you with a more scholarly inclination, you may want to check out The Embodied Mind by Varela, Thompson, and Rosch or Philosophy in the Flesh by Lakoff and Johnson to learn more about the significance of having embodied minds.)
Metaphor of "Life as a Play"
In chapter 3 we learn about the work of the distinguished sociologist, Erving Goffman, who first noticed the role of frames in shaping our interactions with the world. He discovered something remarkable, which is that social institutions and situations are shaped by mental structures (frames) that determine how we behave in those institutions and situations. He used the metaphor "Life is a Play" to describe the phenomenon.
- A hospital has clearly defined roles: doctor, nurse, surgeon, orderly, patient, visitor, receptionist, janitor, etc.
- Scenes play out in specific locations: the operating room, the emergency room, the recovery room, the waiting area, and patient areas
- There are props: the operating table, scalpels, bandages, wheelchairs, and so on.
- There are conventional actions: operations, taking temperature and blood pressure, checking charts, emptying bedpans, and so on.
The hospital frame provides a context for all of these things to be meaningful. The phrase the operating room only makes sense when we know what a hospital is.
The hospital frame also has an internal logic to help us make sense of all this information. There are fixed relationships and hierarchies among the roles: Doctors are superior to nurses, who are superior to orderlies. Various rules exist like the one that tells us "All surgeons are doctors, but not all doctors are surgeons."
This internal logic is important in many ways that relate to politics. For one thing, the fixed relationships rule out certain scenarios. Examples are that surgeons don't empty bedpans and operations are not performed in the waiting room. This relates to politics because the frame we use shapes the possible solutions available for consideration. We will see this below when we discuss Issue-defining Frames and the war metaphor.
We can see that frames provide context for meaning and carry quite a lot of additional information that goes well beyond simple definitions. If I were to ask you what a hospital is, you would immediately have this body of information available to work with when you put together words that summarize its meaning.
Deep Frames and Surface Frames
While reading Thinking Points you may be confused by what we mean by deep frames and surface frames. The difference is subtle in the sense that they are both activated (often simultaneously) to provide contexts for us to comprehend things. For our purposes, we can think of them in the following way:
- A surface frame is the mental structure associated with specific words or phrases that creates the context for meaning for those words or phrases
- A deep frame is the most basic frame that defines a moral or philosophical worldview
You might read these definitions and say, "Oh yeah, that's so clear I could explain it to my grandmother!" but chances are it is still somewhat confusing. Let's see if we can work out the difference with a detailed example.
Analysis of the War on Terror
Recall that surface frames are the mental structures associated with words and phrases. The surface frames in this phrase are the mental structures normally associated with the words war and terror. We know that a war is a series of battles between two armies, that our side is assumed to be good, and that the battles are necessary to win some kind of moral crusade. The frame associated with the word terror is that it is an extreme form of fear, it is experienced by a person who feels threatened, and that it is an emotion.
When we put these words together we get the metaphor "Terror is our enemy." This happens because we wage war on an enemy who threatens us in a way that mandates military action. The phrase 'War on X" tells us that X is our enemy that we must fight.
So where is the deep frame in this example? It is not the frame for war or the frame for terror, since we can see that they are surface frames. Remember that the deep frame is the most basic frame that defines our moral worldview. It is not apparent directly in the surface frames of war and terror, but is in the way that our response to the terrorist attacks on 9/11 has been framed.
Our response in the immediate aftermath of the terrorist attacks was to talk about treating the terrorists as an international police problem. This is the deep frame that organizes the situation into a context where moral issues are defined. If we had continued to frame the situation as a police problem, we would have focused on things like gathering evidence, sending spies into terrorist organizations, and arresting criminals to be tried in the International Court. It is a deep frame because our moral purpose is defined as catching criminals to protect our communities. The moral values associated with this deep frame are protection, responsibility, collaboration, and so on.
Instead of applying the deep frame of police problem to the terrorist attack, the Bush administration and right-wing message machine bombarded us with a different frame. They chose to frame the situation as a military problem. They immediately started talking about the "War on Terror" and organized public discourse around the frame of war. When they did this, the surface frame for war restricted our discussions to issues related to war: mobilize an army, engage in military battles, "smoke out" our enemy, and so on.
In this example, we can see how deep frames are different from surface frames. The deep frame defines the general relationship to the situation by telling us what kind of situation we are dealing with. The surface frames reinforce the deep frame and clarify the details of the deep frame. With the "War on Terror" we can see that the surface frames of war and terror reinforce the deep frame that tells us we are dealing with a military problem that requires a military solution.
Issue Defining Frames
As we saw in the "War on Terror" example, the deep frames we use define the issues that we deal with. This is clear with the situation in Iraq. As Lakoff has noted elsewhere, the issues are quite different if we call it the War in Iraq or the Iraq Occupation. This is also true of immigration.
Frames that decide the issues also restrict the range of possible solutions. If we are dealing with a war, we don't have the option of quitting. Whereas, talk about addressing an occupation opens us to considerations of when to withdraw our troops.
Messaging Frames
I have written about the importance of message frames as part of the climate debate. There are many different kinds of messaging frames and each has its own rules: political speeches and debates, advertising, news stories, editorials, and commentaries. All messaging frames share the common features of messenger, message, audience, issue, medium, and images. One thing to note is that the messenger plays a critical role. The messenger must have credibility and integrity for the audience to accept the message as valid.
Frames are Political When They Have a Moral Component
At Rockridge we talk about frames that relate to politics. The word
"cup" is a lexical frame, meaning it is the conceptual structure related
to a word. We are interested in lexical frames (and other kinds too)
that relate to moral values. For example, the lexical frame for the
word "illegal" has aspects of right and wrong associated with it.
Something "illegal" is typically something that is bad. A person who is
illegal, such as an illegal immigrant, is a person who has done
something bad and must make up for it in some way.
We understand this through the metaphor of "moral accounting." Here
is how moral accounting works: If Person A harms Person B, it is
metaphorically the same as Person A taking something good from Person
B. There are two ways to "balance the books." Person A can give
something good of equal value back to Person B to make up for the harm.
This is what we call restitution. Or Person B can harm Person A for an
equal amount of damage. This is what we call retribution.
The logic of moral accounting is intuitively understood when we use
a frame where harm is done. The moral accounting frame (which has the
structure I just described) is connected to the "illegal" frame. This
is why words are political by default. We need to consider how moral
issues are entailed in the words we choose, especially when we talk
about political issues where the moral issues impact real people in
real communities.
Frames are important to politics when they pertain to moral values. If we are not aware of the frame we use, someone else may define the issues, paint the moral landscape, and limit the range of public discourse without our knowledge that they are doing it. This is what conservative think tanks have done for decades. We progressives have some serious catching up to do!
(This is the first part of three installments covering Chapter 3. Part 2, which will be published next Monday, April 2nd, will explore the key findings of the cognitive sciences that mandate revision of our notion of rationality. Part 3, to be presented one week later, will look at the different meanings key political words take on when framed according to the Strict Father and Nurturant Parent worldviews.)
Go to the next discussion in this series.
Framing in Australia
Hello from Australia,
I'd like to start by congratulating Rockridge for their initiative establishing tools for strengthening the progressive discourse.
I've been following Lakoff's (and co-writers Johnson and Turner’s) writing for about a year now and I'm very impressed with the case put forward from the evidence base of cognitive linguistics.
My background is working in the environment movement in Australia. Naturally I've been preoccupied with the business of communicating with my fellow humans. Over the years I've progressed from background assumptions that we are rational (and that all we need is good information) to understandings presented by social psychology (where peer influence and behaviour leads attitude) to second generation cognitive science (where metaphor shapes discourse and political behaviour). It’s been quite a journey and I must say its good to be amongst fellow travellers.
I'd like to share some insights from the Australian scene. Our Prime Minister, John Howard is a consummate conservative and a master of strict father framing. On the strength of his (and his party's) capability to frame the debate, the Coalition (conservative) parties have adroitly controlled and lead mainstream political discourse here for 11 years. This has now come to a very sudden end, mirroring in part developments in your country.
Howard has successfully dominated government based in part on electoral support from blue-collar workers. Some examples of strict father framing he has used includes: xenophobia: calling asylum seekers ‘illegal immigrants’; security frames: standard ‘war on terror’ guff and ‘strong economic management’ statements.
After the 2004 election the Coalition gained control of both houses of parliament and pushed through draconian industrial relations legislation. The union movement had activated the community prior to the legislation passing with mass rallies followed (after the laws passed) by a series of extremely powerful and simple television advertisements making use of Nurturant framing. These ads focused on the impact the laws would have on family life: less time to for parents to spend with children; less able to provide financial security; less security for their children as they enter the workforce. The impact on the debate was dramatic. Opinion polls spiked against the government after every screening. To this day six out of ten Australians oppose the legislation. In a recent state election it was the leading issue.
The government spent hundreds of millions on its own ad campaign. Their feedback told them it was futile and worse….people were telling them they hated the Coalition even more for wasting public money on propaganda. The ads were pulled. There is now nothing the government can do to change public opinion on this matter. To view the ads and other aspects of the campaign go to www.rightsatwork.com.au
The union campaign began to turn the tide of public opinion against the government and has underwritten the good fortunes of the Opposition Labor party (equivalent to Democrats) which has gained a further, I believe now unassailable, advance in the polls with a new leader. The new leader (Kevin Rudd) had done an excellent bit of framing work himself. His message has focused on his values and formative experiences in his life. He has even run TV ads shortly after assuming the leadership on these themes. He has also framed the political discourse in terms of ‘long-term planning and investment’ (what he’s on about) versus ‘short-termism’ (what Howard is on about). This then frames issues such as social investment, addressing global warming and our part in the occupation of Iraq and the specific policy responses pertaining to these issues.
To my mind these examples show the power of framing in the public debate and its effect on a biconceptual electorate. The same people who were supportive of catastrophically xenophobic policies are now favouring the Opposition on the promise it will restore Nurturant values to workplaces.
Of course there are many other parts to this picture. I’d like to raise the issue of ‘public narrative’. We often refer to the ‘public debate’, or ‘conversation’, or the public figure with a ‘story to tell.’ To my mind this highlights the issue of dynamics (or schematics of) narrative in the public/political domain. My observation of Bush, and Howard in Australia, is that the narrative threads entailed both by their framing and the reported consequences of their decisions have now arrived at a kind of narrative ‘conclusion’ (namely disaster). This is clearly true, for example, for the public narratives relating to the occupation of Iraq and global warming (Hurricane Katrina in the U.S, severe national drought in Australia).
This ‘narrative conclusion’ leaves these politicians very much weakened with little opportunity to keep the narrative alive in any way favourable to their interests. In other words, I suppose I’m raising the question of narrative schemas (beginning, middle, climax, resolution) and how this may influence public perception of the political domain. Does cognitive linguistics have any comment on this notion?
Interesting
I especially liked the long-term vs short-term contrast. This seems like a very good idea. I would love to see it used in the U.S.
In many ways, we can see how long-term planning seems to be something that progressives treasure, while short-term solutions are being offered constantly by the right. Tax cuts are the ultimate example: the middle class gets a short relief today in exchange for worse infrastructure and less of a safety net in the future.
Frames and Politics
This week's edition on Thinking Points is much easier for me to comment on than last week's. This exposition is strcitly instructional and does not really advocate a particular point of view.
Those of us who are RockRidge Nation regulars believe in the theory of frames. There is empirical and other evidence and our own real life experiences that validate the worth of frames for us.
Having said that, I still am ruminating on my response to last week's edition, precisely for the reasons cited above. My own real life experiences and research lead me to a different conclusion than you on the existence of a political center.
Stay tuned.
Framing
Hi everyone. This is my first time commenting at Rockridge, or anywere for that matter.
I am a student of philosophy, but I am not currently enrolled in school. Unfortunately.
I think the discussion on framing has something to do with metaphysical questions in philosophy. What is the nature of ultimate reality? I recently read an article on ethical relativism, and ways to understand why it is that the human family seems to act out in all kinds of different ways.
The article compared our culture to a tribe that had the practice of children eventually having the moral obligaton to kill their parents before their parents got too old. Why? Because the tribe opperated out of a world view that believes we carry our physical bodies with us through eternity. So if the children of that tribe wanted their parents to have the best life, they had the moral obligation to kill their parents before their parent's bodies became too old and infirm.
Our culture, of course, doesn't believe this, and so, doing something like that becomes immoral.
This is known in philosophy as the difference between "values" and "belief". Both of our cultures "value" giving our parents the best life, it's just that our "belief" about reality changes. I guess that is like deep framing.
So, my point is that, it is easy to denounce war protesters as being, "unpatriotic", or "antiAmerican", if we opperate out of the official story.
It's not a queston of "values": should we defend ourselves? It's a question of "belief": is that what we are doing? Sometimes conservatives can interperate our being against the war as our being unreasonable peace lovers- being against self-defence, when all we're really doing is questioning "belief".
Moral philosophy and Naturalized Ethics
Hi Dmullin,
Welcome to our discussion. It is great to have you with us. The issues you bring up may require an extensive dialogue to resolve so I will reference other sources to make points that take up a lot of space to fully support. Having studied philosophy myself, with particular interest in embodiment and morality, I will try to clarify some of the ideas about beliefs and values.
For starters, you are correct to observe that framing is related to important metaphysical issues in philosophy. One area that framing is intimately related to is the field of epistemology (the study of where knowledge comes from). Recent work in cognitive semantics (the study of where meaning comes from through empirical scientific studies of human cognition) has shown that knowledge comes from the experience we have as embodied minds with human bodies that engage the physical and social environments associated with life on earth. In other words, knowledge is intimately connected with the "lived experience" of being human.
In order to talk about abstract concepts like "values" and "beliefs" we need to know what an abstract concept is and where it comes from. In the book "The Feeling of What Happens: Body and Emotion in the Making of Consciousness," the neuroscientist Antonio Damasio describes concepts in terms of representations of the body involved with homeostasis. As you might imagine, this book is a dense read...but it provides the first full neurological account of consciousness attempted.
Keeping the long story from getting too long, these embodied concepts get structured through experience to shape how we think about the world. Conceptual frames are the culmination of this process. They structure our thoughts about reality. The context of these structures establishes the basis for "truth". Concepts that match the lived experience will result in effective purposeful action in the world...so there is strong motivation for them to match the world as accurately as possible. This is where we get truth status from embodied concepts. They are not "relativist" because they are restricted to correspondence with the lived experience (i.e. the actual workings of the world).
Belief will be related to these embodied concepts and will correspond with conceptual frames that match a coherent worldview. Any discussion of how this works would take us into the realm of speculation and would definitely become too long for this discssion here.
I hope this starts to clarify the metaphysical implications of frames for you...and that I haven't confused matters too much along the way!
-Joe
Frames vs chickens
I am an informal student of Buddhist philosophy, so I could easily get into discussions of ultimate reality, but I'm trying to restrain myself! Perhaps a value is a guide to our conduct in life that comes out of our beliefs regarding ultimate reality, which in turn are affected by our experience. In some ways there is a chicken and egg problem with Prof. Lakoff's model of family structure. Which came first, the holistic view of life that an individual has, or the family structure that fosters it? Perhaps an even deeper way to look at deep frames is to ask if a person believes that people are basically bad or if he believes that people are basically good. If bad, then the strict father family is neccessary to curb the child's natural impulses and instill proper values through discipline. If good, then the nurturant family is neccessary to bring out the child's natural impulses and instill proper values through understanding. I would argue that both are false, but there I'm getting dangerously close to "ultimate reality".
Great chapter
'Great chapter and some encouraging news from down under. The previous chapters are clearer now after reading the third.
‘Just a few thoughts on the framing of the Iraq War. Conservatives have also done a great job at using the War on Terror framework to supplant the We Need Oil framework. Several years ago, some progressives tried to reframe the issue as an SUV problem. Conservatives (notably Fox News) attacked the effort and it died out. This was likely because it conflicted with the deeper framework that “Americans are angels.” I believe the anti-SUV campaign might have been more successful if it had tried a Duty to Country framework. All should sacrifice some so that some don’t have to sacrifice all.
Notice that Rudy Giuliani is already using the War on Terror framework in his campaigns. In his red meat speeches, he’s saying that terrorists “believe we’re weak” and that “their perverted ideas are stronger than our ideas of freedom…And they’re wrong.” OK Rudy, exactly what would do about it?
Common Sense – Progressives need to be very careful with the notion of Common Sense. In this context, other words for “Common” are “superficial” and “simplistic.” The reason the left is so often characterized as lacking common sense is because we’re willing to put more thought into issues. We take our logical reasoning several more steps than do conservatives. Fossil fuels not only give us energy but also global warming and hurricanes. Torturing prisoners doesn’t just possibly get us more information but also puts future American captives in peril. The whole notion of common sense gives simplistic conservative views an advantage.
Since our positions are based on more considerations, these positions or “feelings” are more difficult to express. But they can be expressed. Progressive candidates need to remember that:
If something is wrong, it’s wrong for a reason. Say the reason.
I have to second the importance of quantifying liberal achievements. I recall being in a debate with people from a conservative website and forwarding them the story of the guy who wakes up, eats food made safe by “some liberal,” drives to work in a car and on roads that were made safe by “some liberal,” and has a safe, well-paying job because of the efforts of “some liberal.” To my shock, they conscientiously circulated among their entire group. There’s hope!
Choosing a frame that fits
I don't think the choice of frames is always so cut and dry. Going back to the "war on terror" example, I supported the attack against al Quaeda in Afghanistan because we were dealing with an enemy beyond the scope of a mere criminal organization. When you have thousands of people who want to kill you, I don't think you have the luxury of gathering evidence to prove guilt beyond a reasonable doubt. But by 2002, after al Quaeda's operations in Afghanistan had been disrupted and the Taliban overthrown, I was in favor of something more like the police problem frame, in this case using diplomacy and police techniques to root out terrorists.
Of course, we could argue about whether our own foreign policy contributed to this problem, and in an ideal world a reexamination of our foreign policy would be part of the solution. I suppose that what I'm trying to say is that different frames could be applied to the same problem depending on the situation. If the problem is terrorist attacks, a war frame could be appropriate during one phase of the operation and a police frame appropriate during another phase.
Open Public Debate
Hi daves,
I agree. One thing that framing analysis shows us is that public discourse was limited to the "war on terror" frame with its deep frame of considering the problem to be a "military problem". This restricted our discussion because we were no longer provided a setting where talking about "police action" made sense. With issues like international terrorism, it is essential that we have as broad of an open public debate as possible. When conservative ideology trumps open public debate, we have the kinds of problems that have followed the narrowing of discourse to a conservative frame. The conservative frame has harmed our international reputation and has encouraged the propagation of international terrorism. We could not see that beforehand because there was not an adequate debate about what kind of problem we were dealing with. This is another example of the importance of understanding framing in politics!
On narratives and other comments
Thanks for your feedback Joe, Hugo and CBauer. I'm keen on seeing Glenn Smith’s work. It sounds fascinating and a welcome insight on this theme.
To DMullin I would recommend reading “Philosophy in the flesh” which directly addresses the Western tradition of metaphysics from the perspective of cognitive science and the philosophical implications entailed by the embodied mind. I believe that Raymond Gibbs has also just released a book discussing the embodied mind (which is also its title).
Economic Restructuring Committee
http://www.mainstreet.org
I have been asked to serve on my local Economic Restructuring Committee, which is affiliated with www.mainstreet.org. My town is in Southwest Ohio with a population of 14,000. The mayor is a Democrat and the city council are all Republicans.
The committee is beginning to enter into a "visioning" process using the following questions:
1-What is our reason for being?
2-Who are our stakeholders?
3-How would you define who we are?
I am interested in framing my responses in a way that advances a progressive vision. I have invited the people at the Progressive States Network to offer any insights they might have in responding to these questions. http://www.progressivestates.org - Dr. Lakoff sits on the board of this organization.
I would appreciate any insights the Rockridge community has on these questions in the context of what we've been discussing so far as we've read the first three chapters of Thinking Points, especially keeping the concept of biconceptualism in mind.
Economic restructuring
- I'd like to challenge some of the assumptions that progressives fall prey to.
Progressives are mistaken if they think the way to influence the debate about economic justice is to insist that we pursue economic justice because it is the "right" thing to do; the "moral" thing to do; the "Christian" thing to do, etc.
While all that is true, it seems to me that most people really don't care that much about loving their neighbor when it entails some degree, however small, of personal sacrifice. It seems that the way to influence this debate is to do two things: Yes, by all means, appeal to people's inherent love of justice and equality, BUT do so if and only if you also appeal to their self interest and love of freedom.
The reason conservatism often prevails is because 1. self-interest is a huge motivator 2. too many people who claim to love their neighter really hate the idea that their neighbor might be getting something for nothing, 3. most important of all, the 25 percent of the population that is essentially fear-based and authoritarian is also the segment of humanity that tends to be highly driven, ambitious and energetic - which means they tend to go into business and politics in higher numbers than reflective, laid back, live-and-let-live progressives!
Progressives will start winning this debate when they stop relying so much on pushing morality frames, and "right vs. wrong," and "Nurturing mommy versus strict daddy" and focus instead on truisms that progressive ideas serve individual self-interest and promote freedom and individual liberty. Progressives also need to talk more about the unhealthy and unsafe consequences of small government and less regulation.
A society structured on progressive values serves self interest for many reasons. Here are just a few: 1. holds down crime 2. creates a climate of trust -- which is essential to healthy commerce, 3. creates equality, which creates more opportunity for each individual.
As a progressive, the real reason that I believe in equality and support economic justice is because they benefit me personally. How? Because they create a healthy public infrastructure which produces a safe society, and encourages cooperation, which is essential for liberty. More equality means more opportunity for each one of us. In a progressive society there are more opportunities to pursue my own aims in life -- whether it be to own my own business, or pursue an education or create my own social network, or travel freely.
Look, many of us have lived and traveled in nations that have small goverment. They are not nice places to live. You do not trust the food, you worry about the air, you boil the water. You avoid buying most products. I have lived and traveled in nations where there is no public infrastructure to speak of; where there is no EPA. No FDA. No consumer protection. No welfare, no Medicaid or medicare. And a fragile system of justice. And yes, where taxes are also low or non-existent -- and where free enterprise flourishes! Because everyone is "free" to prostitute their 10 year old daughters so they might be able to buy medicine for their 80-year-old mothers. Everyone is "free" to send their 12-year-old son onto the street corner to sell sticks of chewing gum for penny, in hopes that he will come home at night with a nickle. Where businessmen are "free" to pay their employees a dollar a day to sweep the asbestos up off the factory floor -- with their hands.
These are NOT NICE PLACES TO LIVE! These are not good places to raise children. These are not safe, strong societies. And no, most of the people in these environments ARE NOT FREE. We have already been there, done that, and have seen the wisdom of a better way!
Yet this is the kind of environment that the predators -- i.e. Reagan Republicans are pulling the U.S. backwards into. The predators want to drag us backwards and destroy the middle class, and they are winning the hearts and minds of poor and middle class chumps, because the chumps hate the idea that someome who is only a little bit poorer than they are might be getting something for nothing.
The questions I'd like to see progressives ask more of the chumps are, "Even if you do become rich, do you want to have to live behind razor wire? do you want to have to hire body guards? Do you want to step over crippled beggars every time you go into the street? Do you want to worry about your children catching cholera or typhoid, because "small government" means no public health department? Do you want to always worry that you might be poisoned or injured by unsafe food, medicine or other products -- like exploding tires, or poison Vioxx and other unsafe American-made pharmaceuticals? Do you want to see your opportunities limited to the view you can see outyour window, to the wall that surrounds your compound, because "small" government has created an environment of mistrust and fear? An environment where "small government" has stifled investment and willingness of teh business community to take risk?
The chumps that reflexivley support the conservative agenda hate the thought that the single mother down the street is getting a welfare check while sitting home and watching Oprah, or that a former co-worker is getting a disability check, when he just saw him at the car wash the other day, hosing down his new pick-up truck. This rankles the chump 10 times more than the reality that half of every tax dollar he spends is giving a military subcontractor -- who he will never see -- a lavish lifestyle, complete with million dollar mansion, free cruises and golf resort vacations, etc.
Now tell me I'm wrong! :-)
Jesse's comments are critically important!!
Joe,
I have heard Professor Lakoff speak many times and have read a number of his books and articles. I have the deepest respect for many of his theories and his ability to articulate these important concepts to the Progressive audience - and I agree with a majority of his ideas.
That said, I think there is a flaw in his theory and what makes it difficult to root out is that it lives in his very basic theory itself(as set in in Moral Politics)of what makes a person a Progressive and what makes up the Progressive world view. He posits that people are Progressives because we have a positive vision of human nature and that our motives for being progressives are basically unselfish. Lakoff claims that the Conservative World View is that "the world is a scary and dangerous place" and their moral politics logically follows from there. Conversely, he believes that Progressives believe that human nature and the world we live in is basically good the rest of our ideas flow from this.
Like Jesse, I, however, am a Progressive out of purely selfish motives - exactly as outlined by Joe in his posting. Further, I am a Progressive EXACTLY BECAUSE the "world is a scary and dangerous place!! As Jesse outlined in his posting, without protections provided by communities/governments we have the "freedom" to lose our limbs in an industrial accident and have no health care, no disability coverage and the best "freedom" of all - the freedom to watch our spouse and children starve to death, be homeless or go to work at age 10 to support the whole family!! It isn't because I want to help Jesse's family that I am progressive. It is because I a) want to help MY family and b) I don't want to live in a country where I have to see Jesse's 10 year daughter along with hundreds of other "Jesse's daughters" vying for space on the street corner to beg for money or to sell their bodies!! Motivation b) is selfish because there is a psychic cost to living in that kind of brutal culture - and it is not the kind of country I was raised to want to live in.
Frankly, Prof. Lakoff's explanation of the six different types of progressives AND his theories of "bi-conceptualism" honestly do not begin to address this core difference in our concept of what a Progressive is.
For people like Jesse, myself, my husband and a bunch of friends that I have discussed these ideas with - we think that if you start with the premise that some Progressives come to our beliefs BECAUSE the world is a scary and dangerous place and BECAUSE we selfishly want to have a better life for ourselves and our families -then you would come to somewhat different conclusions on how to better frame Progressive ideas that would "speak" to potential progressives who start with our moral premises. This is Jesse's core point - and I agree 100% with him.
If Progressives, like myself are motivated by our real fears about this scary and dangerous world we live in - then Prof. Lakoff is WRONG that Progressives have to avoid activating fear frames. If we are motivated by self-interest, then maybe the frames we use should take that into account.
Lastly, I want to call attention to Jesse's last paragraph - one of the truest things I have ever seen on any blog anywhere - and something I would love to hear you and Prof. Lakoff address. There is a red-blooded anger that I have seen so many times in Conservatives like my own brother and brother-in-law when they talk about about the low-level welfare cheat and the like, that is totally missing from their voice when they talk about a Ken Lay, a Halliburton or other white collar cheating where the amount of money stolen from us (the taxpayer) is 1000 times more than that stolen by the poor welfare cheat.
If Prof. Lakoff could use his brilliant mind to not only explain why this is, but how to frame the above so that the Conservative turns his "righteous" anger towards the Ken Lay instead of the little guy, I believe we would have the basis for winning any debate against the Right Wing. Anger CAN and SHOULD be used by Progressives in framing but the anger needs to be channeled against the real villians.
Clarification of Nurturant Parent Model
Hello Jesse and Wendy,
Thank you for sharing your frustrations and concerns about the nurturant parent model that Lakoff has revealed to us. I understand that we are dealing with sensitive issues when we talk about what it means to identify with a political worldview - especially considering how strong our feelings often are about moral issues. If I may, I would like to help you both to better understand what George has been trying to share through his cognitive family model that shapes progressive politics.
Before getting into the Nurturant Parent model, I want to address an unrelated point. Jesse has suggested that people are motivated by self-interest and we need to reveal the logical connections between political positions and the invested self-interest of voters to get them to support our political positions. While it is true that we are all motivated by self-interest (in a way that I will elaborate below), the reality is that people do not support positions based on rational arguments, facts, or logical conclusions. This is what we call the Rationality Trap in Chapter 1 of Thinking Points. Our minds don't work that way. Even when it seems to be the case that our positions are attained through rational deliberation there are preconscious motivating factors that shape deliberation in profound ways. (One example is the discovery made by Antonio Damasio, a neuroscientist at the University of Iowa, that people cannot make effective decisions without emotions shaping the cognitive processes that lead to the outcomes of the decisions.) The political strategy that Jesse suggests simply doesn't work. We need to understand more deeply how people think to see which strategies will work - and that is a major component of our mission at Rockridge, to reveal how the mind works in politics.
Now for Wendy's main point, which is stated as:
"He [Lakoff] posits that people are Progressives because we have a positive vision of human nature and that our motives for being progressives are basically unselfish. Lakoff claims that the Conservative World View is that "the world is a scary and dangerous place" and their moral politics logically follows from there. Conversely, he believes that Progressives believe that human nature and the world we live in is basically good the rest of our ideas flow from this."
I will begin by stating as clearly as possible that Lakoff never says progressives are unselfish. Here are a few quotes from Moral Politics about nurturant parent morality (pp. 108-109) to make my point:
"The primal experience is one of being cared for and cared about, having one's desires for loving interactions met, living as happily as possible, and deriving meaning from mutual interaction and care."
"The world is filled with evils that can harm a child, and it is the nurturant parent's duty to ward them off... protection of innocent and helpless children from such evils is a major part of the nurturant parent's job."
"The principal goal of nurturance is for children to be fulfilled and happy in their lives and to become nurturers themselves."
"Self-fulfillment and the nurturance of others are seen as inseparable."
These quotes show that Lakoff supports the idea of self-interest. Indeed, all parts of nurturance are associated with the fulfillment of personal needs and wants. He also tells us that the world is a dangerous place that is "filled with evils" that people need protection from. Both of you, Jesse and Wendy, have correctly recognized the importance of self-interest in progressive politics. The thing that I hope is becoming more clear is that self-interest - as dvonoroff describes in his comment "On Self Interest" - is an enlightened self-interest for Progressives that is much more wholesome than strict selfishness.
(Also, thanks to HugoEstrada for chipping in to this discussion. These are important issues to clarify.)
Corporations as nurturant parents?
I was just skimming over an article that will be published in the New York Times Magazine this Sunday. If you have a Times Select subscription you can read it now at http://select.nytimes.com/preview/2007/04/01/magazine/1154670658081.html?8tpw&emc=tpw The gist of it is that corporate America is now becoming interested in the idea of universal health care guaranteed by the government. They focus on Steve Burd, CEO of Safeway, who has battled with unions over cuts to employee health benefits in the past. Burd has a personal experience with the problems with the health care system, because his son injured his back and as a result can't obtain insurance coverage.
The argument is that universal health coverage will level the playing field, so that a company like Safeway that provides coverage isn't at a disadvantage against a company like Wal-Mart that doesn't provide coverage. I think I heard that the cost of health benefits adds $1000 to the cost of every car GM makes, which puts it at a disadvantage in the global economy. Could it be that corporate America is waking up to a progressive vision? They seem to see their self-interest tied to the national interest in health care at least.
Jumping in
I realize I am jumping in to the middle of the posts here, but thought I'd make one point. Wendy- you make the point that you are a progressive because the world is a scary place and needs social safety nets, health care etc- that your motivations are selfish. But consider this-- why do you care if everyone else has those safety nets?
Why do you care if everyone has health insurance, why not have an ideology which says you will work harder than everyone else, and deserve more than everyone else and therefore have a better life?
I think you point of view assumes the need to provide fair and equitable coverage to everyone. This is progressive, and in some ways it is an empathetic, non-strict-father point of view. You assume the need to care for others.
Thoughts?
I have tried the self-interest route
In my experience, Lakoff is right: activating these frames do not help. Although using this tactic is good if you need to persuade a selfish person into doing something that is good for society. But only on specific issues.
The reason why appealing to ideas of justice, fairness, and compassion works is because you are challenging the self-image of the person. Even the most egocentric, selfish humans see themselves as good people.
And it feels good to be good, as Avenue Q has taught us. And there are even studies that show that we get a pleasant rush of good-feeling chemicals in our brain when we are compassionate.
My wife actually knows a person who switched her support for the war after several people pointed out that she couldn't truly be pro-life when the war that we started was bringing the death of Iraqi children. She even became a fierce peace activist.
This is a much better outcome than my experience of persuading people to get against the war because of selfish reasons. Some do denounce the war, but only because it is too expensive, too stupidly ran, or strategically incorrect.
They are no more progressive than when they supported the war. But my wife's friend who they appealed to higher values is.
Once again, appealing to self-interest is good if you need a tactical alliance now, but in my experience it doesn't lead to people becoming progressives.
On self interest
I agree with you in part and there is ample evidence to show that voters for conservative candidates and parties regularly do so against their economic self-interest. As my post from Australia above confirms a conservative government has been consistently returned for 11 years on the strength of xenophobia and other variants of the Strict Father metaphor. This is despite the conservative attack on the institutions that support the social contract.
Portions of the electorate are apparently regularly convinced that it is more important to hate single mothers, or asylum seekers than address a threat to labour laws or the minimum wage, or for that matter protect the opportunity to nurture a business against the might of multi-national corporations with disproportionate market control.
However, as I understand it ‘self-interest’ is entailed by the Nurturant metaphor. It is couched as personal well-being and directly follows the values of empathy and responsibility. Being responsible for one’s own well-being is part of nurturing social well-being.
The example of union advertising that I cite above is instructive on this point. They didn’t talk about protecting collective bargaining or the laws of arbitration. They talked about the impact the laws would have on the ability to nurture a family. This goes to the heart of well-being. They showed that if we don’t act in common against these laws we would lose the opportunity to nurture our families. And, I’d venture, that along side the direct appeal to personal/family well-being there was a metaphoric resonance. That is, if the laws passed it would harm the metaphoric family, Australia.
We need to be careful about how self-interest is framed. Adding a dash of self-interest, especially individual self-interest, isn’t going to work by itself and could risk working against us. For example, the risk of according ‘self-interest’ a higher priority is that it would evoke the Strict Father frame. The Strict Father frame accords a higher priority to ‘self-interest’ within its moral order. This would then work against the aims of Nurturant framing. Further, as ‘Thinking Points’ and ‘Moral Politics’ demonstrates, a progressive candidate that gives priority to ‘self-interest’ frames risks contradicting their Nurturant values and coming across as inauthentic.
Kind regards,
Daniel
David Brooks--framing for conservatives
I was reading David Brooks, the conservative columnist for the New York Times, today, and it was fascinating to see him talking about the "new paradigm", which he thinks the Republicans have to adopt. Speaking of the growth of Reaganism in the 70's, he says, "People were right to have what Tyler Cowen, in a brilliant essay in Cato Unbound, calls the “liberty vs. power” paradigm burned into their minds — the idea that big government means less personal liberty."
He goes on to say, "But today, many of those old problems have receded or been addressed. Today the big threats to people’s future prospects come from complex, decentralized phenomena: Islamic extremism, failed states, global competition, global warming, nuclear proliferation, a skills-based economy, economic and social segmentation.
Normal, nonideological people are less concerned about the threat to their freedom from an overweening state than from the threats posed by these amorphous yet pervasive phenomena. The “liberty vs. power” paradigm is less germane. It’s been replaced in the public consciousness with a “security leads to freedom” paradigm. People with a secure base are more free to take risks and explore the possibilities of their world.
People with secure health care can switch jobs more easily. People who feel free from terror can live their lives more loosely. People who come from stable homes and pass through engaged schools are free to choose from a wider range of opportunities."
I thought it was interesting that he as a conservative talked of security not just in the strict father sense of protection from external enemies but also in the nurturant family sense of providing a supportive environment, e.g. secure health care and good schools. I'm not suggesting that the Republicans are going to usher in a golden age of community, but perhaps it signals a nascent shift in the terms of the debate.
Good catch, Dave
There are some conservatives that can see the writing on the wall. However hard they have tried to build up Islam as the new communism, it just doesn't work that well because of the lack of an enemy state.
Those who can see how the population is shifting understand that they only have a certain amount of time before ex-conservatives start becoming progressives. So, and this is deliciously ironic, they are trying to steer the conservative movement into a progressive-light to retain political power.
I think that we should encourage David Brook's plan :)
Thanks Joe
Hi Joe
Thanks for the added comment on metaphysics and framing. I have recently been introduced to George Lakoff's ideas on framing. Nuturing parent= progressive politics. I just finished his books "Whose Freedom?" and "Thinking Points." Alot of worldview issues like theology, and politics came together for me. I now have a renewed interest in metaphysical questions, and appreciated the validation.
War on Terror vs. The Resistance
I can see that accepting Bush's declaration that we must wage a War on Terror obligated us to behave according to the conventions of war. And once Iraq was associated with this War... Frightening, really, how words and rhetoric can dictate our actions, manipulate us into buying someone's interpretation of a situation.
During World War II, the term "resistance" represented an opposition to Hitler and his aryan viewpoint that didn't focus solely on a military strategy, did it not? The resistance was intellectual, civic, diplomatic, undercover, etc.
After 9/11, if we had mounted a resistance instead of strictly a war, we would have encouraged more diverse solutions to the dangers posed by terrorists...and perhaps we would have kept our European allies as well.

















New! Importance of Narratives
Hi dvoronoff,
Welcome to our discussion and thank you for joining us. It is always a pleasure to share experiences and insights across national borders - borders are legal fictions anyway, and they often overlook the common human bonds we share.
I am excited to learn that the progressive movement in Australia is making an impact. We are seeing it here in the U.S. too, though there are some major institutional barriers to success that will take us a few years to replace.
The only comment I would like to make at this point is that you have been very insightful regarding the role of narratives. One of our staff members, Glenn Smith, is working on a project now to reveal the importance of narratives in politics and to suggest that we need to reconnect with stories that empower communities (as contrasted with "hero" stories that focus on the power of an individual to save a weak and pathetic community from harm). Over the next few weeks, we will publish his work...which is in the rough draft stage at the moment. He will probably write a series of articles (from the larger report he just generated) to clarify a number of issues related to narratives. Here are a few ideas he is working on:
1. Narratives restrict the frames we use in significant ways (reducing the range of possible outcomes)
2. Competing narratives cannot be combined in an incoherent manner (a politician needs to choose narratives carefully when responding to questions in order to communicate effectively)
3. Dominant cultural narratives shape the dynamics of politics within society in powerful ways that have not been adequately recognized
I hope this whets your appetite. Glenn's work is powerful and will contribute some valuable insights into the role of stories in the media and public discourse that have been overlooked for far too long.
I look forward to interacting with you and sharing ideas (I, too, am a big fan of Lakoff and Johnson's work! And I think social psychology has a lot to offer these discussions too. You will see more of my contributions in this regard in the coming months.)
All the best,
Joe